In the Zulu culture, marriage is termed enda which means `to go on a long journey’, referring to the fact that the bride joins her husband’s family and leaves her own. The marriage ceremony informs and asks for the blessing of the ancestral-spirits of both bride and groom. It is important to legitimize the union as this allows any children born to be placed under the protection of the ancestors of their father or grandfather (whichever is homestead head empowered to act as ritual intercessor). Failure to perform such ritual can lead to bad luck for mother and/or child as her husband’s ancestral-spirits `do not know’ the bride (and/or child) while her own ancestral-spirits were not informed of her changed circumstances. The ancestral-spirits are involved directly in the ritual elements of the wedding, outwardly indicated by ritual slaughter,pouring of gall on the bride, payment of bride-price (labola), bridal gifts, cow-hide marriage skirt (isidwaba) and red ochred headdress (variously referring to the ancestral cattle herd, the presence and position of the ancestral-spirits and the idea that the bride `gives the blood’ to nurture the man’s `seed’). As a bride is an outsider to the affinal group of her husband’s family (including his ancestors) she is potentially `dangerous’ to them. This `danger’ is controlled by her following obedient behavior symbolized by respect (ukuhlonipha) and avoidance (ukuzila) toward her in-law family (and ancestors). Her reward for following such restrictive behavior is the blessings of fertility and fortune. It is in this way that the ancestral-spirits act as guardians of custom (amasiko) and ensure its retention through the generations. Much of the wedding ritual concerns not only the bride but also her mother-in-law. Both have traveled a long journey’ to perpetuate the lineage of their affines and the bride has come to continue where her mother-in-law left off. A bride is under her mother-in-law’s tutorledge until she has borne a child and attained the status of mother herself (symbolic of her new vested interest in the circumstances of her affinal home which is now her child’s home).

This essay is primarily concerned with marriage beadwork and how this reflects the role of the ancestral-spirits. While the ritual itself holds the primary symbolic significance, beadwork nevertheless contains much secondary symbolic meaning. Beadwork is the bride’s `finery’ which acts to beautify and dignify her as worthy of ancestral blessing while it uses it’s inherent `vocabulary’ of colour and motif to communicate the bride’s feelings and circumstance. As the latter invariably refer back to her being honoured, happy and fortunate as a consequence of following correct custom it can be seen that beadwork `speaks’ obliquely of the importance of the ancestors to the bride’s life, well-being and health.

John Beattie says that symbols, "commonly stand for or imply some abstract notion....What we find to be symbolised in various ways in different cultures are more or less abstract notions like power, group solidarity, familial or political authority. Sociologically, this is the most important thing about symbols; they provide people with a means of representing abstract ideas, often ideas of great practical importance to themselves indirectly, ideas which it would be difficult or even impossible for them to represent to themselves directly." He continues, "What is said symbolically must be thought to be worth saying....what is symbolised is always an object of value. This means that people’s attitudes to their symbols are rarely neutral; they are always more or less effectively charged." 2 Anthropologists are more interested in those values which are institutionalized and shared by all persons within the culture, or a particular group or category within the culture. Zulu beadwork is essentially group symbolism but it is complicated by the fact that it is often also individual symbolism couched in regional specific styles. In many ways beadwork symbolism has fallen between the domains of anthropology and psychology, and it is thus marginalised. This is not the only reason for its uncertain status; being a female art-form it is seen as merely decorative and its symbolism is thought `trivial’ in comparison to the greater importance accorded male concerns in both patriarchal Zulu society and male dominated western culture. Another reason is the lack of field-work on the part of collectors of beadwork, it being acquired for such reasons as it’s decorative nature rather than for it’s social context.

The marriage apron (isiphinifa) of MaSithole Shange from KwaSwayimane, dates from 1972. It is of dark green cloth, decorated with a series of squares in large white beads. Red wool pom-poms are added in the center of each square. The bride’s communication was,"Inhliziyo yami ibamhlophe uma ngikubona ibenjengobesi lwezinkomo zamalobolo ngosuku lomkhehlo. Ngikuthanda kakhulu suku lomshado. (When I see you (my husband) my heart goes white like the milk of the labola cattle, I love you so much on our wedding day.") The bride equates white to her love, the bride-wealth and the wedding itself (further indicated by the red wool standing for the headdress of marriage). In Zulu thought white is always positive in meaning. It is also known as the`colour of the ancestors’ who reward good conduct with the blessing of children. Diviner MaKhomo Luthuli described white as a "healing colour", that one does not want dark colours as one wants "lightness" (of the ancestral spirits) to ensure good things.3 The labola cattle are linked to the ancestors in that they are part of family herds and thus the custom legitimizes the marriage. Labola further `elevates’ the bride by placing a value on her. What is interesting about Shange’s apron symbolism is that it is couched in the language of personal feeling and communication while yet referring to entirely conventional customary values.

One characteristic of traditional Zulu female dress is the number of aprons (isiphinifa) and capes (isimbozo/utshodo) worn. They allow for an increase in the amount of finery worn, a surface to act as a `canvas' to communicate tacit meanings and most importantly, to act as cover for the body and thus conform to the Zulu custom of respect and avoidance (ukuhlonipha /ukuzila) which is incumbent upon Zulu women in the presence of their in-law family (both living and ancestors).

A interesting development are marriage capes from Umkomaas, south of Durban. The original 1950s version was a black salampore cape worn covering the shoulders to which beaded ornaments in the shape of shields, full and half moons and hearts were stitched. Later the cloth was dispensed with and the ornaments were sewn together to form a `transparent’ cape in imitations of the Christian bride’s veil. Singularly, these ornaments are known by the Zulu names for their shapes, while grouped together they are known as isimbozo (from the verb `to cover’) and/or iveyili (a Zulu rendition of the English word `veil’). As mentioned, covering is part of respecting the in-law family (including the ancestors). So important is this piece of bridal beadwork,that a bride’s father is said to sell a cow to come by the money for the quantity of beads. Many of the ornaments are made by grandmothers, age-mates and even the in-laws who give the bride a beaded shield (ihawu) as ‘protection’ for when she enters those parts of the husband’s homestead (like the cattle kraal) sacred to the ancestors. The moons refer to auspicious times for the wedding but generally such larger issues fall into the domain of the creator god uMvelingqangi, rather than the ancestors. No doubt there are further issues of female fertility referred to but informants have not come forth with such data as yet.

The Zulu verb khanya means `to be light’ ,`to be bright’ and `to shine forth.’ White is used as a synonym for light when used in ritual contexts. In such cases it refers to fortune, health and fertility. The very earliest of Zulu texts talk of thanksgiving as, "Let the Amatongo (amaDlozi) be bright and white, and not dark, that they may save us on another occasion." Misfortune is described as the ancestors turning their backs and that ,"...their Idhlozi is dark." 5

The symbolism of light and brightness gets taken-up in the Zulu brides beadwork, invariably in the form of a star shape. In Umkomaas area these take the form of beaded ornaments termed inkhanyesi (star) constructed on a wire-frame and pinned to the bridal dress. Some of these ornaments are decorated with gilt buttons to emphasize the meaning. Brides often `repeat’ their fathers’ request for their fortune(as in the extract above) in their bridal beadwork, declaring themselves to be like bright stars. For the bride her wedding day is the culmination of her fortune, for if all goes well (which it ought upon correct ritual and ceremony invoking ancestral blessing) she will in time conceive and have children. Sometimes women call these stars uphephela (propeller) and/or phekepheke (buzz like a bee). As such the association is the woman being so trained in being dutiful and busy that she will make a good wife. In neighbouring Umbumbulo a similar shaped ornament is simply said to be, "part of the uniform of a Makoti (bride)."6

Such a star appears on a bridal apron (isiphinifa) worn in 1970 by MaMvundlane Zulu from Emkhambathini. The apron is of navy blue cloth and the yellow star motif runs across the entire apron. The intersections formed are decorated with multicoloured bead triangles. The message reads, "Ngikuqobele ngamafutha omhlwehlwe njengekhanyesi emthuthu (I am cutting the fat of a cow like the stars in a wide smoky sky)." The Zulu rendition is `poetic' and difficult to translate but essentially the bride claims to be so beautiful on her wedding day that she bemuses the bridegroom as if she were a star in a night sky. The star is yellow as it is further likened to the shimmering membrane of cows stomach which Zulu place on the hut alter (umsamo) in honour of the ancestral-spirits during ritual sacrifice. This complex image speaks on many levels; the correct rituals have been performed to invoke ancestral-blessing and this will ensure that the bride will have the fortune which makes her a` bright star' on her wedding day. There are further subliminal meanings which equate beauty with the following of correct custom and ritual which mean that the bride is truly beautiful on her wedding day. Such beauty while certainly physical (and related to all her finery) is above all spiritual, because the has conformed to correct custom.

The greatest of blessings from the ancestral-spirits is that of children. In earlier times a pregnant woman wore a buck-skin apron known as either isiphunzi (grey duiker) or imbeleko (carrying sling). Once the child is born he/she is carried on the back of the mother in this skin. A used such apron is almost impossible to acquire, as it is feared that witchcraft can be worked against the child should it fall into the wrong hands. The decoration is distinctive, the fur was not cut but shaved into a pattern upon which beadwork and brass buttons were stitched and the buck legs and hooves are left on the skin. There appears to be much rumor as to the symbolism of these aprons, it was commonly believed that the baby would `kick in the womb like a buck’ showing all was well with the pregnancy, while Tyrrell recorded that a buck-skin was used, "to impart to the unborn child the beauty and grace of a buck."7 It is the brass buttons and large brass beads (manufactured by Zulu smiths and passed on in families) which are of most interest. The association to these is once more to brightness and fortune and as such the mother is requesting protection for herself and her unborn child. In the Msinga district such brass beads are worn singly to protect the wearer during faction fighting. To sell such a bead costs the purchaser a goat, as this is slaughtered to inform the ancestral-spirits of the transaction. 8

A modern cloth form of this pregnancy apron is found in the Ndwedwe area north of Durban. Locally termed isicwayo or isibodiya it has almost superceded the earlier skin variety. The decoration of these cloth pregnancy aprons tends to be standard, echoing the buck-skin aprons by being heavily beaded and bedecked in brass-buttons or brass rings. While one function of this heavy decoration is to act as a weight, the other is to request `luck’ for pregnant mother and unborn child. Often the brass ornaments will be centered within clusters of multicoloured beads and these are outlined by rows of large plastic green and mauve beads. This typical beaded motif and colouring refers to the woman’s fertility. Most women interpret their aprons according to the area’s accepted conventions, but there are always some who deviate from the norm and have idiosyncratic meanings. Thus area `outsider’ MaNgcobo Mdluli’s (coming from a neighbouring Inanda) used this pattern on a cape rather than a pregnancy apron and wore it to, "respect everybody in the home (of husband) including the amaDlozi." She interpreted the brass buttons on her cape as robhothi (robots) and the flanking beaded lines as ujantshi (train-lines). This referred to the railway-line to Pietermaritzburg, where her ‘heart follows her husband’ to his work. With imagination robots are in themselves`lights’ while love (which will surely beget children in time) is indeed `luck’. When asked why she interpreted this pattern thus, the maker said that a woman could make either the pattern of the area or make a pattern, "for oneself" in which case one makes whatever, "causes one to be happy." This explanation recalls that beadwork is celebratory and as such is a form of thanks-giving to the ancestral-spirits as guardians of one’s good fortune.

An interesting and vitally important symbol in beadwork is that of a cross. Within Zulu traditional thinking it refers to bringing a matter to a close, "The first stick (used to form the cross)said,`There is an accusation. We shall see how it goes.’ .... Then the defender would argue , calling witnesses, finally showing that there was nothing he had done. Then the judge closed the issue (ukuvala icala), saying, `Cross the stick!’ (Nqamulia uthi!)... The second stick said, `Now the thing is complete. It is finished, not to be argued any more!" 9

Traditionalist women take the cross to mean that the marriage is finalized, all who are involved are informed and the correct rituals (especially those involving the ancestral-spirits) have taken place. One reality of traditional life is economic hardship, which means that bride-price is delayed in payment and women live in a state of `ritual incompletion’ taking up the role of wife and child-bearer with the understanding that the marriage will be finalized in time. It is during such periods that any serious misfortune befalling a couple and/or their children will be thought to be because of a failure to inform the ancestral-spirits. 10

There are some fascinating instances of syncretisms, in which a cross means both a traditional completed case (marriage) and contains elements of Christian meaning. Many crosses in beadwork are interpreted along the lines of," we swear to be true (to one another)." 11 It is hard to unravel where traditional concepts of `swearing an oath’ coincide with Christian notions of truth. An example of such complex meaning is contained in a black pregnancy apron, heavily beaded with a central cross motif in large pink plastic beads with the negative spaces decorated with multicoloured beads. The apron belonged to MaMkhize Mdluli from Emkhambathini circa 1970. The beadwork communicates, "Ziya khomba khombane ngoba sengithole ingane yesibeli, kodwa ngizoqubeka nawe noma ngabe awunalutho,." (even although you are poor I still continue to love you as I am getting my second child).Pink symbolises poverty, the Zulu word khomba means `to point/indicate’ and the cross stands for a`truth’. A Zulu colleague explained, "The woman is not fully married to the man. In such an unsettled state, relationships can be broken, but in this case the owner in conceiving another child, takes this to `point to the truth' that the relationship (and marriage) is meant to be, despite lack of money (to pay labola)." 12 It is a matter of semantics that the ancestral-spirits are not mentioned overtly, as most Zulu will assume their role in the woman’s circumstances.

A second example contains a reference to the original Zulu creator god, uMvelingqangi (The Lord of the Sky). Berglund gives the following attempt to understand the relationship between the creator, the ancestral-spirits and creation, "I understand the relationship between the water of men (semen) and conception in that the shades (ancestral-spirits) mould in the womb. This is one thing. I also see that water (as in water itself) brings clarity to the diviner, the man of the shades. That is another thing. But what is the connection between them?....You have said it yourself. You said that the shades mould the child. That is so. But where does the child come from? (Silence. Then the diviner lifted his eyebrows.) That is where they come from. Where does the water come from? In rain. Not so? From above? Is the rainbow not the daughter there, putting the arch (uthingo) into the earth at the pool?...So the connection is the sky? (No reply. The diviner nods his head. Apparent satisfaction. Quite for a while.)" 13 uMvelingqangi is normally only contacted through the ancestral-spirits but in times of dire need (like drought and barreness (of land and women) the creator may be approached in supplication (usually on mountains). It is difficult to assess the impact of the Judeo-Christian God, as `God the Father' has become synonymous with uMvelingqangi.

The cross used as a symbol referring to God is to be seen in the apron of MaMchunu Sibisi from Emkhambathini, c1965. This apron's symbolism makes one wonder to what extent the concept of `God’ has become synonymous with Christianity and `The Cross'. The apron consists of a square of black cloth beaded in a series of lilac blue blocks with crosses in the center of each. Along the sides of the apron are red wool pom-poms. The owner explained her symbolism as, even although it is dark and she cannot see the way forward (black cloth)she still believes that she is going to win (red wool) because she placed her trust in Umvelinqangi (the crosses "in a blue sky."). When the field collector asked of which god Sibisi speaks, she replied,"You know God....we (traditionalist Zulu) do not know God, but we knew Umvelingangi. He was the one who we trusted." 14 She has however eclipsed the Zulu Lord of the Sky with the Christian Cross and the Zulu traditionalist cross as an `oath’ with the Christian concept of `Truth’. Red she describes as ubeja, a word used for the concept of `I will win’ (the association is to red being an colour associated with emotion and the will). As such she is reiterating the swearing of an oath, that with faith in God she will overcome her difficulties.

7. MM 3991 and WCP 469. It must be noted that not all information attached to museum artefacts comes as specific to actual pieces, there is much associative information coming from other sources. Information on the baby kicking like a buck in the womb derived from a Zulu colleague recalling older generations of women speaking about the item and her own intrigue that it was `confirmed’ on a popular Zulu radio cultural program. Y Winters Personal communication R Msomi January 1992